Explaining what is happening in Pakistan, and why, is never easy. Never has it been more difficult than it is now. Talking earlier today to the National Public Radio show Here and Now, it struck me again how difficult it is to articulate any explanation of Pakistan’s politics - not only to non-Pakistani audiences, but to Pakistani audiences too.
Consider the recent news stream. Suicide bomb blasts by extremists kill another 30 in Lahore in yet another dastardly attack. Gen. Musharraf calls the National Assembly to meet on Monday, March 17. Supposedly Nawaz Sharif and Asif Zardari come to an agreement on the government formation but it is no more clear today who the next Prime Minister will be than it was before the meeting. They also insist that they will “restore” the judges but speculations remain rife on just which judges and just how “restored.”
Depending on who you speak to, you are told that Gen. Musharraf is playing games with the parliament by trying to call the opposition’s hand before they have decided on the Prime Minister issue. Others tell you that it is the politicians themselves who are playing games not only with the cat and house of Prime Ministerial candidates but also with the judges and the lawyers movement. Meanwhile, the extremists continue their deadly game of murder and mayhem as they did in Lahore.
At the end of the day the real losers are - as they always are - the people of Pakistan. It is they who suffer the instability. It is they who are killed. It is they who languish in uncertainty. The costs of uncertainty are never trivial, but it becomes particularly horrendous with suicide bombers blowing themselves up.
What is most disturbing and truly dangerous is that as Gen. Musharraf keeps fighting for his personal survival and position and as the politicians keep fumbling in their indicisive daze, it is the extremist forces that stand to gain by playing simultaneously on the citizen’s dislike for Gen. Musharraf and distrust for the main political leaders of our time.
No one is clear on who will rule Pakistan tomorrow. But it is clear that uncertainty rules Pakistan today. And that is not good for anyone except the extremists who seek to destabilize the country and breed anarchy and chaos.
@ Mile Stone
I wrote this article right after the death of BB.
http://www.longlivepakistan.com/?p=18
I also believe people voted for him and now they deserve to have him may be people will learn their lesson. However Zardari has been giving responsible statements. Its all because he wants to lay down carpet for Bilwal. So he can enter smoothly into leadership. So this gives me hope that for this reason he will behave.
Well done Mr.10%.
1. First he planned the killing of BB
2. Delivered fake will and himself co-chariman of PPP and Bilawal the chairman by changing his name to Bilawal Bhutto (and Pakistani awam fell for it, feel so sorry)
3. Nominated Amin Fahim the Parliamentry leader to get hi suuport, inorder to remain co-chairman
3.Increased diplomatic ties with both NS and Musharraf as well as other parties
4. Annouce 3 more names of PM ship, even though it was decided that Amin Fahim is the leader
5. Didnot invite Amin Fahim to Muree meeting and Asked NS to show his reservation against Amin Fahim, so that Amin Fahim wont be able to run for PM ship and in return accepted the NS wish of restoration of judiciary.
6. Making Jehangir badr and otther leaders to announce their support for Zardari
7. Meeting with Amin Fahim and saying that I dont want to become the PM, but party wants him to become PM
Now, Amin Fahim will leave the party and whats’s next Mr. 10% PM of Pakistan??? Allah rehem karey Pakistan per.
Have anyone read the article about Zardari on NYtimes. ?
From Prison to Zenith of politics in Pakistan
http://www.nytimes.com/2008/03/11/world/asia/11pst an.html?ex=1362888000&en=0d5d58a1885f0616&ei=5088& partner=rssnyt&emc=rss
Sad thing about Lahore bombings is that people are not reacting right. Instead of protesting against Goverment, they should protest against Mosques and madrasas in every corner of the city that preach haterd and intolerence.
So people show grow up and quit living in the past. The lamest excuse I’ve been hearing is because of Lal Masjid these things are happening. Stop hating the government which is doing her best to eliminate those murderous terrorists and Start the hate campaign against Mosques and Madrasas that preach haterd.
Ali Abbas Rizvi
There have been some key developments with regard to the Pakistan Army since General Ashfaq Pervez Kayani took over as Chief of Army Staff. The wide range of measures that the new chief is taking marks a new era and ethos for the service that was subjected to severe criticism on account of the steps taken by its previous chief during his long tenure. Most of these measures, like the induction of army officers in civilian organisations, were implemented when President Musharraf, wearing two caps at the same time, was embroiled in politics. As a result, the professionalism and the image of the service suffered considerably.
Some of the pronouncements of General Kayani and decisions have earned him high opinion both in the country and abroad. The general declared that the military would have no role in the February 18 general election, whose fairness and conduct was the responsibility of the Election Commission. The result was that fair elections were held in the country.
Kayani has said the army will “meet its constitutional obligations in helping the civil administration for maintaining law and order, as and when required”. He also called for the “harmonisation of socio- political, administrative and military strategies” to ensure long-term peace and stability and repeatedly insisted that the will of the people is “decisive”.
The steps that he has taken include approval of a policy for “de- induction of serving officers seconded to civil departments” and barring senior army commanders from meeting politicians. But there are some other measures that the new chief has taken and that some say would perhaps change the course of Pakistan’s role in the war on terror.
First, observers point out that the new chief has taken firm measures to eliminate the threat posed by extremists in the country’s Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA). These extremists, collaborating with Al-Qaeda, have been openly challenging the writ of the government, especially during the past one year. Some people thought that as army chief, General Musharraf was not decisively moving ahead to counter the growing menace. In fact, people in the west were outright suspicious of his intentions in this regard, openly questioning his loyalties in the war on terror. On the other hand, what cannot be denied is the fact that Pakistan has its own concerns and priorities in this war.
The tribal areas pose a new challenge to the Pakistan army and also to the people of Pakistan, who enjoy affinity with the tribesmen in terms of religion, culture and traditions. These people are no outsiders; they are our countrymen and only a few of them support the extremists and their views. But observers point out that what we are seeing today is an absolute shift in commitment, with the army now decisively taking on these extremists and routing them as compared to the days when General Musharraf was the army chief. This is what has recently happened in major areas of Waziristan and in Darra Adam Khel, where we have seen the militants on the run. This is happening as the soldiers and officers are now more committed to the job at hand than 10 other tasks they were doing in the past.
The frequent visits of the army chief to Waziristan also have something to do with it. General Kayani has visited Waziristan at least four to five times since he took over as army chief. As such, he has had better interaction with the soldiers, who are now taking on the mission with clarity of mind and healthier morale.
Second, the Pakistan army has been facing lots of casualties in its fight against the extremists. In fact, the most recent one was a three- star officer, who died when his vehicle was attacked in Rawalpindi. The casualties on the field have been due to several factors, including lack of proper equipment to take on the insurgents and extremists and focus of training and orientation of the servicemen to fight in the plains. What is interesting is the fact that the army is suddenly losing lesser number of soldiers and officers in its fight against the extremists. Why is it so? We do not know but it seems that it has something to do with the tactics on the battlefield. According to Americans, the army under General Kayani has embraced “new counterinsurgency training and tactics that could be more effective in countering militants in the tribal areas”. In any case, the development is very much welcome.
Third, General Kayani has declared the year 2008 as the Year of the Soldier and allocated an amount of Rs10 billion for their welfare. Those who have been associated with the army point out that the step was greatly overdue. The decision to declare the Year of the Soldier was taken after several committees submitted their recommendations on how to benefit the soldiers in the best possible way. As it is, the non-commissioned officers and soldiers, besides FC personnel, levies and the police, have been bearing the brunt of the war in Waziristan and other areas. The amount now allocated is likely to be spent on improving their housing, living standards, troops families welfare centres, vocational training for children, ladies clubs, water filtration plants, mini canteen store departments within the residential compounds, garrison medical centres at their doorsteps, etc. It seems the aim is to further enhance the sense of “devotion and own-ness”. Once we see a qualitative difference in the lifestyles of the NCOs and jawans, the overall morale of the service would improve.
Fourth, in the days of Musharraf when he was both the army chief and the president, criticism on him and other political developments were routinely discussed in army messes. Now because President Musharraf is no longer the army chief and General Kayani is trying to dissociate the service from politics and politicians, it is safe to assume that officers and soldiers are now more interested in discussing professional issues than politics in messes. Also, there are reports that officers have stopped calling politicians into their offices while politicians have stopped visiting them and quoting their names in conversations.
So far so good. One hopes that the army continues to concentrate on professional aspects and stays away from controversies. But as the past tells us, this would require the help of politicians, who can do a great job by showing maturity and staying away from confrontational politics that we had witnessed during the seventies and the nineties.
M Ashraf Mirza
The signing of the Murree Declaration by PPPP Co-Chairman Asif Zardari and PML(N) leader Nawaz Sharif is being interpreted differently by men of wisdom and intellect like all such documents of political significance. Some have termed it as an instrument potent enough to provide a major boost to democracy and political stability in the country. Others look at it with reservations about the two leaders’ ability to persist with the partnership and to rescue the nation from its political, economic and judicial quagmire. Yet some others take it as a document of pretence and stratagem. Irrespective of these articulations, the Murree Declaration represents a new political culture in the country as it has turned yesteryears’ bitter foes into today’s partners. Political opponents, however, do not see a long-lasting relationship between the two parties for what is said ‘their ideological contradictions’. The coalition of the two major parliamentary parties is certainly a good omen for the nation that is caught up in the cobweb of terrorism, poverty, unemployment and insecurity besides crisis of atta, water, electricity and gas shortage. Politics, revenge and ambition make strange bedfellows.
The Murree Declaration is a multi-faceted and multi-dimensional document. It’s not only a pledge to strengthen democracy and constitutionalism in the country, but also to address the constitutional distortions, establish rule of law and ensure public security. It reflects the resolve on the part of PPPP and PML(N) to restore Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry and other judges sacked by President Musharraf with the imposition of emergency in the country on November three last within 30 days of the National Assembly’s session and manifests a businesslike approach to deal with the presidency at least for the period of the new setup’s consolidation. PPPP co-chairman Asif Zardari, who had demonstrated wisdom and skill to channel the public anger aroused as a result of Benazir Bhutto’s assassination towards national reconciliation has been able to soften PML(N) leader Nawaz Sharif to let his party join the federal cabinet and his party men take oath of office as ministers from President Musharraf despite his rigid stance against him and vows to avenge his removal from the office of the Prime Minister on October 12, 1999 as well as the subsequent jail ordeal.
The restoration of the judges has, however, emerged as the most contentious issue between PPPP-PML(N) coalition and President Musharraf. There are obviously divergent views in the two camps on the issue. Both sides are, however, weighing their options and modalities in respect of their respective positions. While the constitutional experts of the PPPP-PML(N) coalition insist that the judges can be restored through a resolution of the National Assembly, their counterparts in the President’s camp are of the firm opinion that it can be done only through a constitutional amendment to be passed by both Houses of Parliament by two thirds majority. President Musharraf held indepth consultations with his constitutional experts including Mr Sharifuddin Pirzada and Attorney General Malik Abdul Qayyum on the issue on Monday. The meeting also evaluated the Murree Declaration in different aspects and contexts. No matter what opinion the two sides hold on the issue, it’s quite evident that the President’s step of November three last has not been indemnified by Parliament and as such it has no constitutional value whatsoever. The Supreme Court that has validated the emergency through an order cannot be taken as an alternative to Parliament. Besides, the apex court’s validation is also subject to the indemnification by the legislature. The President’s constitutional guru, who has a record of propounding some magical constitutional provision to help him wriggle out of the crisis in the past, doesn’t seem to have one this time. It’s hoped that the President will not be led to the great fall since he seems to be on the edge of the precipice already.
President Musharraf’s vow that he will never resort to article 58(2)B to dislodge the new National Assembly is certainly a welcome development. It’s also encouraging that he is mindful of the fact that confrontation between the newly elected National Assembly and the Presidency will be disastrous for the country. That’s what is expected of a man, who according to him has striven to uphold the national interests throughout his life both as a soldier and as head of state. It’s difficult to comprehend at this stage whether or not the PPPP and PML(N) would like to develop working relationship with the President in the days to come. There is, however, time for reconciliation as confrontation will only plunge the country into deeper crisis.
While the coalition partners need to shun acrimonious tendencies to create positive environment for governance, it’s equally important for President Musharraf should also not entertain the illusion that Pakistan will collapse after him. It’s rather time for him to ponder and evaluate the pros and cons of his insistence about having been genuinely elected since the electoral college that had elected him for five years had already outlived its life and was dissolved soon afterwards. There is certainly no moral basis of the election even if it has some procedural value. And the verdict pronounced loud and clear by the masses in the February 18 general elections has hardly left any ambiguity about the flawed contention on this count. The rejection of the party that ruled the country under his wings for past five years obviously has a message for the President. It’s, therefore, pertinent that no effort should be made to circumvent the will of the people as evident from the February 18 polls.
The nation has many a challenge staring in its face that it would like to see resolved urgently by the new democratically elected government. Terrorism, insecurity, poverty, unemployment, high cost of living, lack of social welfare especially in the field of education and health and shortage of water, power and gas are obviously the serious issues demanding urgent and comprehensive attention of the government. The people have been groaning under the heels of these problems for a long time now. Irrespective of the claims of economic turnaround by Pervez Musharraf-Shaukat Aziz duo, there was no trickle down effect to help the poor, needy and the deprived segments of society.
It’s, however, a matter of satisfaction that the PPPP-PML(N)-ANP coalition partners are determined to find solution to the menace of terrorism and militancy through dialogue. History of the tribal areas manifests the fact that the tribesmen are more willing to bow through persuasion rather than by force. It’s, therefore, hoped that the new government will pursue the carrot and stick policy to deal with the menace on permanent basis.
Simple solutions will not work. Please read this if you want to understand why simply blaming ” Islamic Extremists” instead of looking at the whole picture is pointless. All sides have to agree to stop the violence if there is to be any hope.
Afghanistan: A River Runs Backward
by Conn Hallinan
Wednesday, March 12, 2008 by Foreign Policy in Focus
http://www.commondreams.org/archive/2008/03/12/762 3/
http://punkistani.livejournal.com/
Friday, February 1st, 2008
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Outside of Punjab, the National Assembly candidate from Peshawar said 10,000 families in one migration traveled from the mountains of Waziristan to Peshawar. That many people in one migration? There’s been a US sponsored civil war in Pakistan between Waziristan and the Pakistani army for a while. Now it has to have escalated into carpet bombing. People don’t migrate so easily.
…
ATP Friends,
I agree these are uncertain times as we are in unchartered territory but I do believe it is important to state again that all of this new renewed hope is a direct result of the sacrifices of the lawyers movement.
I am confident that as a nation and as a people we shall prevail and the judges will be restored and this will usher in a new dawn for a new Pakistan. My post saluting the lawyers movement is worth a read:
http://www.otherpakistan.org/saluting-the-lawyers- movement.html
Feimanallah Pakistan
Wasim