1971: The Lessons We Did Not Learn

Posted on November 21, 2009
Filed Under >Imran H. Khan, Foreign Relations, History, Society
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Imran H. Khan

(Editor’s Note: This is the first in a series of posts – from different perspectives – we will carry on the events of 1971 and their relevance to Pakistan today.)

Today, is November 21.

November 21, 1971, was a day of infamy for Pakistan. On this day that Indian Air Force planes crossed the international borders in East Pakistan and attacked PAF planes flying ground support missions well inside the Pakistani territory. While Indian ground forces had been covertly supporting Mukti Bahini, this was the first act of aggression across international boundaries that was the actual beginning of hostilities between India and Pakistan. On November 21, 1971, what had been an internal conflict within Pakistan territory became an international conflict when India attacked Pakistan.

The saga of East Pakistan Air Force during the 1971 war written by the Air Office Commanding EPAF can be read at the blog Planet Earth. In this post, I wish to look at what we in Pakistan can learn today from the events of 1971. With all the bloodshed and mayhem going on in Pakistan, it may seem inappropriate to talk about the subject of the 1971 war. Still I think there are many lessons that we can take from that part of our history and hopefully not make the same mistakes twice.

First, let me be clear that the root cause of Pakistan’s breakup in 1971 was a lack of implementation of democracy and majority rule. While seeds of dissension had been sown considerably earlier, it was when Mr. Bhutto threatened to “break the legs” of any politician who dared to go to East Pakistan and form alliances with Awami League, that the die was cast of the eventual breakup. Afterall, the Awami League had won the majority in the fairest elections ever held in Pakistan.

When President Gen.Yahya decided not to hand over the power to Mr. Mujibur Rehman, who was the elected leader of the majority of people of Pakistan, the West Pakistani leadership failed to live up to its constitutional obligations. Based on this alone the East Pakistanis had the right to demand that West Pakistan change its name to something else. West Pakistanis had decided not to follow Quaid e Azam’s emphasis on Unity. The problems of FATA today are in many ways are also linked to lack of democracy and civil institutions. We have only belatedly held elections in Gilgit-Baltistan, which is a step in the right direction. It needs to be followed up by similar elections in all the other areas still not enjoying the right to vote.

A second lesson from the 1971 experience is that the use of defense forces to quell civil unrest is excessive, which in the total analysis is far more detrimental to the resolution of root causes. In 1971 the Pakistani government should have used civil defense forces to stop the Mukti Bahini, and not military forces. Use of heavy guns, armor and air power actually played into their hands, as these blunt weapons invariably cause excessive civil casualties. Armies are trained to fight brutal battles where no holds are barred. Even the most precisely dropped bombs by airplanes result in widespread damage to life and property. It appears that we have not learnt this lesson. By not adequately training the civil defense forces and providing them the tools necessary to quell internal aggression, we have ended up using massive force in Swat and now in Waziristan.

There is something uniquely empowering when people who hold powerful offices are held accountable to public. When countries try members of their defense forces for war crimes, it actually strengthens their institutions and rule of law. If there are claims of war crimes alleged by Bangladesh government and conversely allegations of atrocities by Mukti Bahini, let us have joint war crime trials and let justice be served. After all they were all Pakistanis then. In the life of nations, thirty years are just a blink of the eye. The bitter truth is that we in West Pakistan are guilty of the greater fault in the breakup; we should therefore go further in rebuilding genuine relations with Bangladesh.

No country worth anything should ever abandon its citizens. Pakistanis of Bihari origin (‘stranded Pakistanis’) were loyal to Pakistan and they bore the brunt of the military loss in East Pakistan. There are still nearly a quarter million Pakistanis who have a refugee status and living in camps in Bangladesh. If Pakistan could essentially assimilate three million Afghan refugees, it is very difficult to justify allowing our most fervently loyal Pakistanis to continue living in squalor in Bangladesh. We must find a way to repatriate our brethren from Bangladesh.

History must never be forgotten, no matter whether it is flattering to you or not. It is well know than each nation tells its people the lies it chooses. We in Pakistan have done this too, including on the events on 1971. And so have the Indians. Recently, for example, the Indian Foreign Minister made the comment on Fareed Zakaria’s television show in USA, that Pakistan started all the wars with India. One hopes the Indian Foreign Minister will eventually make peace with the facts of November 21. And so must we in Pakistan.

This means accepting the mistakes we made – like all the ones I have listed above – but it also means honoring the valour of those who made sacrifices. Maybe it was the trauma of loosing a big part of the country, that we never really celebrated amazing acts of valor by members of our defense forces. Amongst the mistakes made by the defense forces, there were also great acts of heroism. One that stands out like a shining beacon is the heroic stand taken by airmen of PAF. Which country asks its airmen to take one squadron of aged sub sonic planes to fight eleven squadrons of considerable modern and supersonic planes. This is exactly what we asked PAF airmen to do in East Pakistan. They held off IAF for two days before the runway got cratered to an extent that they could not launch any fighters. IAF with over one hundred fighters and bombers at its disposal should have rendered the solitary airbase dysfunctional in a matter of hours. PAF pilots braved taking off when under attack, fighting an enemy with ten to one ratio and landing under attack. The PAF airmen turned the aircrafts around with bombs dropping all around them. I cannot think of anyone more worthy of Nishan e Haiders than the East PAF airmen in general and pilots in particular.

38 responses to “1971: The Lessons We Did Not Learn”

  1. Mike says:

    One thing the Pak Army has done extremely well during 60 years is PR. They have convinced Pakistanis that it is competent (it is not; it has lost every war) and without the army Pakistan will fall apart which should be very insulting to Pakistani people.

    Look at the current South Waziristan operation: It claims it has killed 500 + terrorists (ISPR release) and somehow people think it is a big victory. No independent news media is allowed (why?), only guided tours — courtesy of ISPR. Before the operation started the Army estimated 10,000 militants in SW and after 4 weeks it says 500 were killed (even if you believe this number), therefore 95% of bad guys are still hanging around somewhere.

    I hope it does not cut and run from the current fight as it had done several times .

  2. Meengla says:

    1) The Hamood ur Rehman Commission Report was supposed to have been compiled in early ’70s shortly after the Fall of Dhaka. That even General Zia ul Haq–who would love to dig up anything against ZAB and did do that quite regularly through his ‘White Papers’–did not attempt to release the HRC Report may tell you a lot about the culpability.
    2) I was a very young boy in early 70’s in Karachi. My family, as that of many other Urdu speakers (the ‘Mohajirs’) were firmly behind the Jamaat e Islami. I vividly remember that the word ‘Bengali’ was a curse word then in Karachi and that ‘Bengalis’ were ‘Ghaddars’ (traitors). This was not a Bhutto constituency, please note. The whole W. Pakistan seemed to not have charitable views of the E. Pakistani brethrens, to say the least. To this day, I assume, Bengalis are not really looked up with favor, sadly.
    3) Why did the Army ask ZAB to come back to Pakistan from NYC/UN and take command after forcing Yahya out following the Fall of Dhaka? If ZAB had conspired to be the Civil Martial Law Adm. then it was a pretty elaborate and perfect plan. Too perfect. Shame on the perennial conspiracy theorists!
    4) Finally, I don’t think I am really interested in protecting ZAB’s role. What I am more concerned about is that there should not be any sacred cows in Pakistan. Why should ZAB be hanged, Benazir be Killed, Nawaz Sharif be deported, Bugti be killed under military rules while people like Yahya, Zia and Musharraf can never be touched? WHY should Yahya be forced out of power by his own subordinates and then given a comfy retirement and State honors?
    The lessons of E. Pakistan are the lessons for W.Pakistan now: No more sacred cows.

  3. Musaafir says:

    Good post. We must come to grips with our mistakes leading up to the tragedy of 1971 and the creation of Bangladesh. India did not make Bangladesh, our own misdeeds created Bangladesh, India just facilitated its birth by taking advantage of our own follies. The blame lies with us and we must learn to accept this fact and learn from it and move forward, promising ourselves never to repeat similar mistakes again.

    Imran, I am sure you are aware that Air Marshal Inam’s brother was also an army aviation pilot in East Pakistan and bravely saved a number of people by flying them out of East Pakistan to Burma and then on to West Pakistan.

  4. Naveed says:

    As for the suggestion that Pakistan, India and Bangladesh should demolish their own “Berlin Walls,” there is some merit in it. The idea itself arises from the fact that these regions were once one. Under the Mughal emperors, not only Muslims and Hindus, but everyone else lived in peace in a united India. What happened to change things? We all know that: The British happened. They divided and conquered us so effectively that Pakistan and India are still fighting over the bone of contention the British handed us in the form of Kashmir.

    Pakistanis today face an extreme crisis of identity. It was easier to say earlier that Pakistan was founded in the name of Islam. What has been made of religion is in front of everyone’s eyes now. I’m no history scholar, but it seems to me that Pakistan was made for Muslims, not for Islam. There is a big difference there. Pakistan was made for Muslims because most Hindus got carried away with their newfound majority at the time the Congress Ministries were formed and started asserting their will over the Muslims. It was because Muslims were perceived as a separate group and treated badly as such that they felt the need to separate from India. We must remember that Jinnah was called the ‘Ambassador of Hindu-Muslim Unity’ at first, when he and other Muslim leaders joined the All-India National Congress and tried to work for all Indians together. We must remember that they only separated when they got disillusioned. Our separation was at best bitter.

    Maybe things will change if moderates on both sides of the border ever gain the upper hand, but I doubt it.

  5. Taimur says:

    Blaming Bhutto is too easy

    Bangladesh was always going to happen

    every Pakistani leader from Liaqat Ali onwards mistreated East Pakistan

    starting from the language issue onwards we treated the majority as if it was a minority. The real problem started when we chose Urdu as the national language even though the largest spoken language in Pakistan was Bengali.

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