Adil Najam
As was expected – but much more so than expected becasue of its timing – Ayesha Siddiqa’s new book Military Inc.: Inside Pakistan’s Military Economy is causing waves in Pakistan and abroad.
True to form, the establishment has bothed up things even more than usual by trying to mess with the book’s launch in Islamabad. That only made the launch an even bigger news than it would have been. Here, for example, is the top of the page, front page news item from Dawn (June 1, 2007):
A book putting a critical spotlight on the military’s business nooks was launched from a virtual sanctuary on Thursday and some high-profile political reviewers seized upon it to denounce the army’s role in Pakistani politics.
The launching of the book, Military Inc: Inside Pakistan’s Military Economy, by Dr Ayesha Siddiqa, a military analyst, was due to have taken place at the capital’s elitist Islamabad Club. But the author told a surprised audience that not only the club cancelled the booking of its auditorium, “all hotels in Islamabad were also told� by unspecified authorities not to allow the use of their halls for this, forcing the organisers to find a sanctuary at a third floor room provided by a non-governmental organisation.
PPP’s legal star Aitzaz Ahsan said the time had come to stand up against the military dominance while PML-N Information Secretary Ahsan Iqbal accused Pakistan army generals of not learning a lesson from other countries that said goodbye to military rule. But some other speakers had a dig also at politicians for doing little to keep the military in check while being in power and at times celebrating the ouster of their rivals. Mr Aitzaz Ahsan said the expose of Ayesha, who puts the net worth of the army’s commercial empire at Rs200 billion, had come at a “defining moment� in Pakistan’s history following President Pervez Musharraf’s controversial charge-sheeting and suspension of Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry.
He narrated what he called the military’s moves in the past to convert Pakistan into a national security state contrary to the Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s vision of a welfare state and to forge an alliance with mullahs in search of an ideological justification for this, but said he thought now “a watershed has comeâ€Â?. Mr Ashan, who heads Justice Iftikhar’s legal team, saw “a turning pointâ€Â? in the March 9 presidential action against the chief justice that plunged the country into a judicial crisis and said: “We must grasp it.â€Â? Cheers went up in the congested premises of the NGO Leadership for Environment and Development as Mr Ahsan referred to what he called an unexpected “noââà ¢â‚¬Å¡Ã‚¬Ã‚? by the chief justice to the president’s demand for his resignation and, in a reference to the nationwide protest movement by lawyers, opposition political activists and the civil society, said: “The spillway of the Tarbela Dam has opened now.â€Â? He said although the chief justice would not speak about the presidential reference pending before the five-judge Supreme Judicial Council or his challenge to the reference before a 13judge bench of the Supreme Court, it was out of compulsion that an affidavit was filed on his behalf on Tuesday about what happened to him during his March 9 meeting with the president and for some days afterwards. “We were compelled to file that affidavit,â€Â? Mr Ahsan said, citing comments made by President Musharraf about the case as the reason.
Mr Iqbal rejected as a myth usual accusations holding politicians responsible for four military coups in Pakistan’s history and put the blame on what he called ambitions of army chiefs who toppled civilian governments from General Mohammad Ayub Khan, who later became field marshal, to General Musharraf. Comparing the ills of military interventions in politics to what cancer does to human body, he said Ayub Khan struck in October 1958 to pre-empt scheduled elections next year, while General Yahya Khan snatched power from him in 1969 at “virtual gunpoint� to prevent a handover to a National Assembly Speaker from then East Pakistan in the midst of a national democratic movement.
General Mohammad Zia-ulHaq, he recalled, seized power on June 5, 1977 a day after then prime minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and the opposition Pakistan National Alliance had agreed to hold fresh elections. He said Pakistan faced no bankruptcy despite international sanctions for its 1998 nuclear tests and “everything was normal� when General Musharraf, after being sacked, toppled then prime minister Nawaz Sharif on Oct 12, 1999. Mr Zafar Abbas, resident editor of Dawn, Islamabad, and Dr Farrukh Saleem, also complimented the 292-page book published by the Oxford University Press.
It speaks about the role of the military power in transforming the Pakistani society, armed forces becoming an independent class entrenched in the corporate sector and their five giant welfare foundations, or conglomerates, running thousands of businesses ranging from petrol pumps to industrial plants.
I have not yet read the book myself, however, I have talked about it with Ayesha many times – most recently in Boston some weeks ago – and am generally familiar with the thesis of the book. But, then, so is most of Pakistan. It is that the Military’s economic footprint has become too large for teh military’s own good. From cereal to banks to airlines, what she calls ‘Military Inc.’ is now everywhere in Pakistan’s economic life. Her argument is that this is nietehr good for Pakistan nor the military.
I am looking forward to reading and reviewing the book, which Ayesha has promised to send me soon. Meanwhile, we will keep an eye out for substantive reviews of this undoubtedly important work.
Sadly, the book has been banned in Pakistan. See http://ko.offroadpakistan.com/pakistan/2007_06/mil itary_inc_inside_pakistans_military_economy.html or click above.
I’m sure the publishers are thankful to Mushy for the extra publicity. another braindead move by the intellectual giants that are Durrani, Sheeda Tulli, etc. now, I’ll be buying it for sure.
I’ve never seen such concerted, public opposition to the army before. there’s always been some resentment but now it’s being expressed openly. if only the political leadership wasn’t so hellbent on watching out for its own interest. BB will not be forgotten for her treachery at this critical juncture.
either way, change is in the air. the army would do well to sense that and move on. regardless of what happens whoever takes over after Mushy should strip the army of all its power, authority, glory, etc. file cases against these traitors. try Mushy for treason, hang him, strip him of his rank, awards, medals, etc. strike his record out off the army. make the army impotent (which it already is when it comes to the battlefield). enough of the jarnails and the karnails. go back to the barracks and stay there.
$27.00 (after discount) for a paperback edition !!!
I have been anticipating the arrival of this book for some time now and am really glad it has come at this juncture. Am also happy of the attention it is getting.
Having said that recent developments are worrying especially with respect to the highly unusual move by the ISPR to release a statement on behalf of the Corps Commanders (this is completely unprecedented in the history of Pakistan Army). Moreover it is now clear that the Govt. is going to crackdown on the freedom of the media. At this point the Govt. is about to get increasingly oppressive…they are past caring about their reputations etc. Now it’s all about holding on to power.
The line has been drawn in the sand. It’s the Pakistan Army versus the rest of Pakistan. The campaign by civil society is highly encouraging, but what is demoralizing is the complete and total absence of honorable men and women in the Govt. (be that the army, bureaucracy or members of the ruling party).
You are right, I would not have known about it. Must be a interesting read. I looking forward to it.