Adil Najam
Other posts in this series for March 23, 2007 – here and here.
March 23 commemorates the passage of what was originally the ‘Lahore Resolution’ (Qarardad i Lahore) and later became better known as the ‘Pakistan Resolution’ (Qarardad i Pakistan). If there is a single most important founding document of Pakistan, it has to be this Resolution passed at the annual session of the All India Muslim League at its 1940 meeting (22-24 March) at Minto Park (now called Iqbal Park), Lahore (by the way, what a wonderful idea – for political parties to have annual, open, meaningful, annual sessions where real decisions are taken in a transparent and democratic manner!). In 1941, this Lahore (Pakistan) Resolution became part of the Muslim League constitution and in 1946 it became the basis of the demand for Pakistan.
Most Pakistanis know what the resolution says; or, at least we think we do; in most cases rightly so. But because we are so very sure that we know what it says, we usually do not take the time to actually read it. Maybe we should. And there cannot be a better day to do so than today.It is, like many of the most important documents in history, a fairly short text. I reproduce it here in full. The first two paragraphs are contextual related to the then discussions on federation within the Government of India Act 1935. The third and the fourth paragraphs are the key operational content which is usually cited in textbooks. However, my view is that the final short paragraph is also key; especially in that it talks in the plural about “respective regions” (as do previous paragraphs).
While approving and endorsing the action taken by the Council and the Working Committee of the All-India Muslim League, as indicated in their resolutions dated the 27th of August, 17th & 18th September and 22nd of October, 1939, and 3rd of February, 1940 on the constitutional issue, this Session of the All-India Muslim League emphatically reiterates that the scheme of federation embodied in the Government of India Act 1935, is totally unsuited to, and unworkable in the peculiar conditions of this country and is altogether unacceptable to Muslim India.
It further records its emphatic view that while the declaration dated the 18th of October, 1939 made by the Viceroy on behalf of His Majesty’s Government is reassuring in so far as it declares that the policy and plan on which the Government of India Act, 1935, is based will be reconsidered in consultation with various parties, interests and communities in India, Muslims in India will not be satisfied unless the whole constitutional plan is reconsidered de novo and that no revised plan would be acceptable to Muslims unless it is framed with their approval and consent.
Resolved that it is the considered view of this Session of the All-India Muslim League that no constitutional plan would be workable in this country or acceptable to the Muslims unless it is designed on the following basic principles, viz., that geographically contiguous units’ are demarcated into regions which should be constituted, with such territorial readjustments as may be necessary that the areas in which the Muslims are numerically in a majority as in the North Western and Eastern Zones of (British) India should be grouped to constitute “independent States” in which the constituent units should be autonomous and sovereign.
That adequate, effective and mandatory safeguards should be specifically provided in the constitution for minorities in these units in the regions for the protection of their religious, cultural, economic, political, administrative and other rights and interests in consultations with them and in other parts of (British) India where the Mussalmans (Muslims) are in a majority adequate, effective and mandatory safeguards shall be specifically provided in constitution for them and other minorities for the protection of their religious, cultural, economic, political, administrative and other rights and interests in consultation with them.
This session further authorises the Working Committee to frame a scheme of constitution in accordance with these basic principles, providing for the assumption finally by the respective regions of all powers such as defense, external affairs, communications, customs and such other matters as may be necessary.
Apart from the fact that the Resolution talks clearly about “respective regions” (words that have import in the context of the events of 1971), I find the 4th paragraph particularly important. The complex structure of the language notwithstanding, the sentiment is clear as is its emphasis on the rights of minorities – not just of Muslims as a minority but of non-Muslim minorities in areas where they envisaged Muslim sovereignty. In such a short document, for the founding fathers to have devoted so much space to this issue would suggest that they – having lived as a minority themselves – considered the subject of minority rights to be of particular importance. This is one of the many areas where we were unable to live up to their aspirations.
MQ, thanks for the info.
Samdani, in a *very broad* way you are right. But I think its too simplistic to think Indians and Pakistanis think similarly about the other. This clubbing allows us to seem democratic and fair, but in terms of getting a genuine and nuanced idea of the inherent issues, it wont go far. I think AS indicates this in his post.
Here is one question I would like some Pakistanis to take a stab at. In real life, I know only 1 Pakistani, who isn’t particularly given to sensitive topics, so I have to ask it here. My perception over the years is that Pakistan (deffly its govts, and possibly most of its people) thinks India is a danger to its existence/freedom (one comment above even touches upon such a fear). This is one sentiment that I think I can safely say many Indians fail to fathom. For Indians, its hard to think of themselves as being an aggressive threat to Pakistan. Can you guys comment – what events/notions/facts this Pakistani sentiment may have roots in?
Hey regarding how Pakistanis view India, well here is my 2 cents worth.
I think that although most of the Pakistanis believe that both countries should enjoy good friendly relations and solve most of our outstanding problems through discourse.
However we are vehemently against any discourse or action which would result in some sort of a loose confederation between India and Pakistan or which might relegate us to a role similar to Nepal or Bhutan in the region.
We want peace but we are an independent and free country of 160 million people and peace should not come at the expense of our freedom or values or even at the expense of our role in the region and history. We are free and Inshallah we will be free as long as the sun keep rising and the grass keep growing.
On the white in the flag, it ws NEVER meant to be in proportion of the nuber of minorities in Pakistan. It was ALWAYS supposed to be much greater than that. The purpose was to highlight a national committment to minority rights, whcih was never kept.
Also, this argument that minorities are less now because East Pakistan became Bangladesh is totally wrong. The lot of migration of non-Muslims from Pakistan out happened in the early 1950s and around the same time the big wave of Muslims migrated to Pakistan.
Those who are recounting their view of how Indians view Pakistan are probably right and I suspect those same Indians would say the exact same about ‘average’ Pakistanis. Just go to YouTUbe or past posts on this blog and see how this conversation quickly transforms into fingerpointing. Even if you look at the discussion on Woolmer seems like some people are more worried about what Indians are saying than about the por guy being killed! The exact same is true on the other side. Of course this is because people in both countries have been trained to think that way about the other.
But yes the one thing that gets me mad is when Indians assume that any Pakistani criticizing what is happening in Pakistan or talking about peace with India is automatically saying that he wishes to rejoin India or that partition was a mistake. We worry about Pakistan because we want a better Pakistan, not because we want to rejoin India.
Adil Najam: Thank you for this timely post. Reading Lahore/Pakistan resolution on this joyous occasion of Pakistan Day is very heart warming and reassuring in times like this. One point though. The resolution was adopted by the general council of the party in its indoor session held in the auditorium of the Islamia College (Cooper Road), Lahore. Then later on it was presented to the public and endorsed by it in the general public meeting held at the then Minto Park grounds, the same grounds where Emperors Akbar and Jahangir and Shahjahan used to watch elephant marches and galloping horses from the Shahi Qala (Royal Fort). Our people have come a long way. But we also have a way to go yet. Allow me to wish all of my Pakistani brothers and sisters a very happy Pakistan Day. Pakistan Paindabad.