Adil Najam
Much has happened in Pakistan over the last many weeks. Too much.
Amidst all the chaos and tragedy it has become difficult to keep track of just all that is happening, let alone make sense of it. It is clear that the dust has not settled yet. Far from it one can be sure that more turmoil and uncertainty is in the offing.
Yet, this we know. Gen. Musharraf sits firm in control; for now. A major national leader has been assassinated; and whether the elections are held or what might happen in them remains shrouded in doubt and speculation. The assault on the nation by extremists and terrorists have intensified. And the economy is taking a spin for the ordinary Pakistan. Despair is thick in the air and neither the military government, nor the political parties, nor the market forces seem to generate broad confidence or enthusiasm.
Adding to the despair is the fact that the two institutions of society that had begun to assert themselves and generate public support and confidence have been clipped violently. The media has been told what its “place” is and what can happen to its profits if it steps out of line. The judiciary has been revamped and the message sent out to newcomers to “learn” from the fate of their predecessors. These are classic authoritarian tactics: Increase the pressure, demonstrate the pain you can inflict, and highlight the fact that you are willing to inflict the pain if needed.
Whatever one might think of the quality of the media before the clampdown or about the individual quality and character of individual judges is irrelevant to the fact that the descent of blatant authoritarian excess cannot but be bad for the country in both the short- and the long-term. Violence has a tendency to destroy not only those upon whom violence is inflict but also those who inflict violence. The las many weeks have not only weakened the institutions of the judiciary and the press, it has also - and, maybe, more so - damaged (further) the credibility of the military as an institution and of those in government.
These much more blatant authoritarian tactics have, indeed, allowed Gen. Musharraf to maintain his hold in power. The cost, however, is that to prolong his stay in power he will now find himself compelled to be ever more blatant and obvious in the use of such tactics. Ultimately, and this we know from history in Pakistan and elsewhere, either his ability to apply ever-more stringent pressure or the people’s ability to withstand it will give way and the house of cards will implode.
In the short term, however, one of the impacts of the turmoil and despair that has resulted, especially, from Benazir Bhutto’s assassination is that some news has suddenly gone off our radars. This is not a matter of conspiracy. It is a matter of “despair overload.” But the result is striking. The sentiment for an end of authoritarianism has not extinguished, but the fledgling movement for the restoration for the judiciary and media has been silenced; or, at least, quietened. One has been hearing less and less about Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry or about Chaudhry Aitizaz Ahsan and given the fickleness of public attention and support one fears that the government might be succeeding in its attempts to have them fade away from the public imagination.
The cynics can say that this is because the supporters have themselves become silent, the support rallies have fizzled, the flowers are no longer going to the judges, and that the courts and the media are themselves now functioning again and the emergency has been lifted. All of this is true but none of this is conclusive.
It is quite clear, in fact, that Gen. Musharraf considers these two Chaudhries - Iftikhar and Aitizaz - to be the biggest threat to his power. Here is how:
Even though the exiled leaders Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto (now assassinated) have been allowed back into the country, even though the emergency has been lifted, even though the media curbs have been lifted, even though Gen. Musharraf has given up his uniform… despite all of this and more, the government is still not confident enough in their own power to release Iftikhar Chaudhry and Aitizaz Ahsan from detention. Everything else the General can manage. But these two Chaudhries are seen as having enough public support and credibility to be seen to be a threat to the General’s rule if allowed out in the open.
This is an extremely telling fact. It demonstrates who the military government thinks they can “manage” and who are considered to be “unmanageable.” The urge felt by the military government to suppress the voice of the two Chaudhries demonstrates how seriously the military government takes these two and the potential support they could muster.
It is interesting to ponder upon why the government would be more threatened by these two than by the mainstream political parties. It is not because these two are super-heroes. They are not. Both are flawed as all of us are. The threat they embody comes from the fact that, unlike the political parties, they have become spearheads (maybe reluctant spearheads) for a nascent movement whose goal is not as much to get a “share of the power” as it is to just see a real “restoration of democracy” and an “end to military rule.” Certainly Iftikhar Chaudhry did not set out to achieve this goal. He was for quite a while quite happy with how things were. Aitizaz Ahsan also did not set out to launch such a movement. But over the last half-year or more, the followers who have gathered around them have thrust this mission on them. It is a mission they now seem to embrace; or at least not shun. It is the nature of this goal that makes accommodation with them much more difficult for the government than with those who, in fact, want to be accommodated. This is exactly why it is important for the government to “control” these two much more than all others.
The unfortunate fact is that on this issue the government’s tactics may be working. Public interest is fickle. Public memory is short. And the overdose of other calamities is strong. Between all of this, the public attention is, and maybe has, been diverted elsewhere. One is reminded of the sheyr:
Reh gaya Mushtaq dil meiN rang-e-yaad-raftagaaN
Phool mehngay ho gaye, qubraiN purani ho gaeeN
Even if one does not agree with or like these two Chaudhries, it would be sad if, in fact, this is the case. The movement they embody is no longer about them. They are quite incidental to it. The movement and the moment that they came to symbolize was a movement and moment for civil society’s desire for democracy. In an environment where every institution of society was collapsing, they seemed to suggest that the democratic spirit - with its most idealistic aspirations - was still alive in Pakistan. The squashing of a judge and a lawyer is bad, but it is not catastrophic in societal terms. However, the squashing of a nation’s democratic spirit is monumental calamity. One fears that what we are seeing here is an attempt to do the latter much more than the former.
Aitzaz freed today!
@Khosa,
Well, as they say, better late than never. But one point must be stressed is that it is the PPP which has been the prime target of these military officials. Yes, NS also suffered in 1999–a fall out of the Kargil War–but no other force in Pakistan been so constantly hounded and perhaps will continue to be hounded like the PPP has been and will continue to be. As if the might of Pakistan’s military was not enough, the religious forces, beauracracy, LOTA political elements, media AND powerful intelligence ‘agencies’ have been busy cutting the PPP and the Bhuttos to size since 1977.
To some of us, badly disillusioned with the State of Pakistan after BB’s murder, justice needs to be done and to start out let’s understand how the Pakistani establishment has its used various powerful tools to hound the PPP/Bhuttos since 1977. That may be the beginning of a much needed healing process for Pakistan.
They make us proud around the world and Pakistani nation consider them as a great leaders.
I think we all need to speak up more on this. Not only is the CJ humiliated and kept behind the gates of his house, his children and wife are too. What law have they broken (not that the CJ has broken any laws either) according to the government? Are they releasing terrorists? Are they paralyzing the executive? To quote the generals own words (in a different unfortunate setting), “this is Pakistan we’re talking about”. Its the Pakistan of Ayub Khan and General Zia he’s talking about. We can feel sorry for those that have to live with it. I’m glad i don’t have to.
CHOR BHI KAHE CHOR CHOR.
Funny but true
Retired generals to seek apology from nation
ISLAMABAD: Several high-profile retired generals, air marshals and admirals, who have asked President Musharraf to resign, have announced to seek an unqualified apology from the Pakistani nation for imposing martial laws in the past, abrogating the Constitution several times and not letting democracy flourish in the last 60 years.
They would make this admission of guilt today (Thursday) at a press conference with a request for forgiveness from the people of Pakistan, who have been suffering at the hands of dictatorship for the role played by them and their successors. They have also invited General (retd) Pervez Musharraf to attend the meeting.
But surprisingly despite their apology, which would be a welcome and refreshing departure from the norm, these adventurous generals and admirals of the past are not showing enough moral courage. They have given the task of seeking the apology to a retired brigadier, Mehmood Qazi. “I will apologise on the behalf of all the ex-servicemen for the past misdeeds,” Qazi told The News.
He is the convener of the meeting to be presided over by Air Marshal (retd) Asghar Khan, a man whose role against Zulfikar Ali Bhutto is well known. The first speaker of Thursday’s meeting will be Lt. Gen. Abdul Majid Malik, a gentleman who was a major in 1956 when he drafted a resignation which General Ayub Khan forced President Iskandar Mirza to sign.
Malik has been a strong Musharraf supporter until the graduation clause for contesting the NA elections was introduced, leaving no option for him but to take a ‘principled’ stand. Discriminatory treatment meted out to him by the PML-Q leadership further pushed him into the ex-generals’ camp.
His speech will be followed by Mirza Aslam Beg, a former Army chief, whose political ambitions had forced the then president Ghulam Ishaq Khan to nominate the new Army chief three months prior to Beg’s retirement. His role in the famous Mehran Bank scandal and misuse of ISI funds for electoral/political manipulation is still fresh in public memory. His then DG ISI, Lt. Gen. (retd) Asad Durrani, who had distributed Rs.140 million to win over ‘for-sale’ politicians never felt ashamed of his role or offered an apology.
After consuming two ambassadorial positions for four years during the Musharraf regime, Durrani has plenty of time now to criticise Musharraf. Lt Gen (retd) Hamid Gul, former DG ISI, is yet another activist who never thought very high of any civilian prime minister. As master spy, he employed all the dirty tricks to dislodge Benazir Bhutto’s first government. These days he can count the damage that the Army’s political role could incur on the political fabric of the society.
Another ex-serviceman and sitting President Gen. (retd) Pervez Musharraf was probably right in using the term “good for nothing generals” for some of these ex-serviceman. However, this correspondent came to realise the truth of Musharraf’s words only recently when he was handed over a letter addressed to Musharraf for publication.
Initially, none of these generals was ready to name himself as the author of the letter, including those who had authored it. Air Marshal (retd) Asghar Khan, who had approved the draft of this letter, refused to acknowledge it when contacted. A ghost author and the convener of today’s meeting, Brig. (retd) Mehmood Qazi, shifted the responsibility to others, including Gen. Hamid Gul, who was reluctant to own it. He rang up this correspondent to clarify that he had not written it. However, by that time the letter had gone into print.
Brig. (retd) Mehmood requested this correspondent that his name should not be identified. Other co-authors also made the same request, fearing that Musharraf could retaliate.
The truth dawned upon this scribe by accident when he overheard Brig. (retd) Mehmood talking to his colleagues. He was admitting that he gave wrong names to the media. He was heard disclosing to his colleague that the letter was initially written by him and he had used unprintable language.
Mehmood told his colleagues that many ex-servicemen raised objections to his writing and sought a correction. Asghar Khan later formed a committee to redraft the letter, which was subsequently approved by him before it was sent to the press.
When confronted with these facts, Mehmood did not admit that he was sharing the real story of the letter with his colleagues, which this correspondent overheard. Mehmood, however, admitted that Gen. Hamid Gul was not the co-author of the letter and admitted that he wrongly included his name among the list of the authors. Mehmood instead said there was serious resentment shown by the co-authors, who were of the view that Gul’s name must not be passed on to the press, as he was a controversial figure.
How do I get info on when demonstrations for support of the judiciary are to be held in Karachi. Any contact number, email address etc.
Well,the fact that he is not allowing a glimpse of anyone of Chaudries to the outside world is the reason he has failed to “silence” them.
Aitzaz and Justice Chaudary are now only a limited threat to Musharaff after his successful election as President.
They have only a nuisance value in that if free they would be giving interviews to foreign press and arranging local rallys questioning Musharraf’s election from last year. At this time, Musharraf is presenting himself as the man in charge, so the two guys are held incommunicado atleast until the election is over.
The real threat to Musharraf and the Army lie in the upcoming US elections and the state of the economy.
Pakistani Army has prospered and filled up its coffers well in the last few years and has increased its grip on the Pakistani economy all for its dirty work for the “war on terror”.
This is the sweet spot spot that Pakistan’s Army loves to be in - that the Americans want something done and are willing to spend some for it.
In the sixties, the dirty work started with joining the American security arrangement for the Middle East as part of the Seato / Cento pacts and peaked with providing the refulelling bases for America’s U2 spy planes that were making sorties over the nuclear soviet union.
In the eighties, this work was to provide logistics, bases and doctrinated fighters for CIA’s war in Afghanistan.
In the new millenium, the “war on terror” is what keeps the Pakistan Army going along its missions.
A democrat president after the US election and a change in US policy towards “terror”, along with its rebalancing of monetary aid to Pakistan and its military , is the real nightmare for Musharraf and his buddy Generals.
In order to be relevent, Musharraf and buddies will try all they can to keep the threat of OBL and Co as real as they can, so that America’s support and America’s money keeps flowing.
Becuase the fact is, in the abscence of these injections of fresh cash every other decade by the Americans, Pakistan’s economy and the state of Pakistan face disintegration.
Pakistan is devoid of any stregic competitive advantages - purely in the economic sense - No Oil, not much Gas for export, major industrial / technology based industries and the quality of human capital - average at best.
Any cut in money flows from the US, directly or indirectly via the World Bank / IMF, will result in a searious breakdown in Pakistan’s economy and the Generals capacity to manouver.
This is what keeps Pakistani Generals up at night.